To-day I begin with repetition of what I said before, and I BEG
YOU TO BEAR IN MIND THAT GOVERNMENTS AND PEOPLES ARE CONTENT IN
THE POLITICAL WITH OUTSIDE APPEARANCES. And how, indeed, are
the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of things when their
representatives give the best of their energies to enjoying themselves?
For our policy it is of the greatest importance to take cognisance
of this detail; it will be of assistance to us when we come to
consider the division of authority, freedom of speech, of the
press, of religion (faith), of the law of association, of equality
before the law, of the inviolability of property, of the dwelling,
of taxation (the idea of concealed taxes), of the reflex force
of the laws. All these questions are such as ought not to be
touched upon directly and openly before the people. In cases
where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must not be
categorically named, it must merely be declared without detailed
exposition that the principles of contemporary law are acknowledged
by us. The reason of keeping silence in this respect is that
by not naming a principle we leave ourselves freedom of action,
to drop this or that out of it without attracting notice; if they
were all categorically named they would all appear to have been
already given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the geniuses
of political power and accepts all their deeds of violence with
the admiring response: "rascally, well, yes, it is rascally,
but it's clever! . . . a trick, if you like, but how craftily
played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!"
. . .
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting
the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been
drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is indispensable
for us to arm ourselves and to store up in ourselves that absolutely
reckless audacity and irresistible might of the spirit which in
the person of our active workers will break down all hindrances
on our way.
WHEN WE HAVE ACCOMPLISHED OUR COUP D'ETAT WE SHALL SAY THEN TO
THE VARIOUS PEOPLES: EVERYTHING HAS GONE TERRIBLY BADLY, ALL HAVE
BEEN WORN OUT WITH SUFFERINGS. WE ARE DESTROYING THE CAUSES OF
YOUR TORMENT - NATIONALITIES, FRONTIERS, DIFFERENCES OF COINAGES.
YOU ARE AT LIBERTY, OF COURSE, TO PRONOUNCE SENTENCE UPON US,
BUT CAN IT POSSIBLY BE A JUST ONE IF IT IS CONFIRMED BY YOU BEFORE
YOU MAKE ANY TRIAL OF WHAT WE ARE OFFERING YOU." . . . THEN
WILL THE MOB EXALT US AND BEAR US UP IN THEIR HANDS IN A UNANIMOUS
TRIUMPH OF HOPES AND EXPECTATIONS. VOTING, WHICH WE HAVE MADE
THE INSTRUMENT WHICH WILL SET US ON THE THRONE OF THE WORLD BY
TEACHING EVEN THE VERY SMALLEST UNITS OF MEMBERS OF THE HUMAN
RACE TO VOTE BY MEANS OF MEETINGS AND AGREEMENTS BY GROUPS, WILL
THEN HAVE SERVED ITS PURPOSES AND WILL PLAY ITS PART THEN FOR
THE LAST TIME BY A UNANIMITY OF DESIRE TO MAKE CLOSE ACQUAINTANCE
WITH US BEFORE CONDEMNING US.
TO SECURE THIS WE MUST HAVE EVERYBODY VOTE WITHOUT DISTINCTION
OF CLASSES AND QUALIFICATIONS, in order to establish an absolute
majority, which cannot be got from the educated propertied classes.
In this way by inculcating in all a sense of self-importance,
we shall destroy among the goyim the importance of the family
and its educational value and remove the possibility of individual
minds splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let
them come to the front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed
to listen to us only who pay it for obedience and attention.
In this way we shall create a blind, mighty force which will never
be in a position to move in any direction without the guidance
of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of the mob. The
people will submit to this regime because it will know that upon
these leaders will depend its earnings, gratifications and the
receipt of all kinds of benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain,
because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to be
split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is allowable,
therefore, for us to have cognisance of the scheme of action but
not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the interdependence
of its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning
of each clause. To discuss an make alterations in a labour of
this kind by means of numerous votings is to impress upon it the
stamp of all ratiocinations and misunderstandings which have failed
to penetrate the depth and nexus of its plottings. We want our
schemes to be forcible and suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT
NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the
mob or even of a select company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down
just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and
consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress,
which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries approximately
one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry, Senate, State
Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need not explain
to you the mechanism of the relation of these institutions to
one another, because you are aware of all that; only take note
of the fact that each of the above-named institutions corresponds
to some important function of the State, and I would beg you to
remark that the word "important" I apply not to the
institution but to the function, consequently it is not the institutions
which are important but their functions. These institutions have
divided up among themselves all the functions of government -
administrative, legislative, executive, wherefore they have come
to operate as do the organs in the human body. If we injure one
part in the machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human
body, and will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of Liberalism
its whole political complexion underwent a change. States have
been seized with a mortal illness-blood-poisoning. All that remains
is to await the end of their death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place
of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism;
and a CONSTITUTION, AS YOU WELL KNOW, IS NOTHING ELSE BUT A SCHOOL
OF DISCORDS, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements, fruitless
party agitations, party whims - in a word, a school of everything
that serves to destroy the personality of State activity. THE
TRIBUNE OF THE "TALKERIES" HAS, NO LESS EFFECTIVELY
THAN THE PRESS, CONDEMNED THE RULERS TO INACTIVITY AND IMPOTENCE,
and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason
indeed they have been in many countries deposed. THEN IT WAS
THAT THE ERA OF REPUBLICS BECAME POSSIBLE OF REALISATION; AND
THEN IT WAS THAT WE REPLACED THE RULER BY A CARICATURE OF A GOVERNMENT
- BY A PRESIDENT, TAKEN FROM THE MOB, FROM THE MIDST OF OUR PUPPET
CREATURES, OUR SLAVES. This was the foundation of the mine which
we have laid under the goy people, I should rather say, under
the goy peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in
carrying through matters for which our personal puppet will be
responsible. What do we care if the ranks of those striving for
power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock from
the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will
finally disorganize the country?
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange
elections in favour of such presidents as have in their past some
dark, undiscovered stain, some "Panama" or other - then
they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of our
plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural desire of
everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of privileges,
advantages and honour connected with the office of president.
The chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will protect,
will elect the president, but we shall take from it the right
to propose new, or make changes in existing laws, for this right
will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet in
our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall
provide him with a means of self-defence in the right of an appeal
to the people, for the decision of the people over the heads of
their representitives, that is to say, an appeal to that same
blind slave of ours - the majority of the mob. Independently
of this we shall invest the president with the right of declaring
a state of war. We shall justify this last right on the ground
that the president as chief of the whole army of the country must
have it at his disposal, in case of need for the defence of the
new republican constitution, the right to defend which will belong
to him as the responsible representative of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of
the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside of ourselves
will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new republican
constitution, take from the Chamber the right of interpellation
on government measures, on the pretext of preserving political
secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new constitution reduce
the number of representatives to a minimum, thereby proportionately
reducing political passions and the passion for politics. If,
however, they should, which is hardly to be expected, burst into
flame, even in this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring
appeal and a reference to the majority of the whole people....
Upon the president will depend the appointment of presidents and
vice-presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. Instead of constant
sessions of Parliament we shall reduce their sittings to a few
months. Moreover, the president, as chief of the executive power,
will have the right to summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in
the latter case, to prolong the time for the appointment of a
new parliamentary assembly. But in order that the consequences
of all these acts which in substance are illegal, should not,
prematurely for our plans, fall upon the responsibility established
by us of the president, WE SHALL INSTIGATE MINISTERS AND OTHER
OFFICIALS OF THE HIGHER ADMINISTRATION ABOUT THE PRESIDENT TO
EVADE HIS DISPOSITIONS BY TAKING MEASURES OF THEIR OWN, for doing
which they will be made the scapegoats in his place.... This
part we especially recommend to be given to be played by the Senate,
the Council of State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to
an individual official The president will, at our discretion,
interpret the sense of such of the existing laws as admit of various
interpretation; he will further annul them when we indicate to
him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will have the right
to propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the government
constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and other
being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the State.
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying little
by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we enter
on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into the constitutions
of States to prepare for the transition to an imperceptible abolition
of every kind of constitution, and then the time is come to turn
every form of government into OUR DESPOTISM.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the destruction
of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come
when the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities and incompetence
- a matter which we shall arrange for - of their rulers, will
clamour: " Away with them and give us one king over all the
earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of discords
- frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts - who will
give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our rulers
and representatives."
But you yourselves perfectly well know that TO PRODUCE THE POSSIBILITY
OF THE EXPRESSION OF SUCH WISHES BY ALL THE NATIONS IT IS INDISSPENSABLE
TO TROUBLE IN ALL COUNTRIES THE PEOPLE'S RELATIONS WITH THEIR
GOVERNMENTS SO AS TO UTTERLY EXHAUST HUMANITY WITH DISSENSION,
HATRED, STRUGGLE, ENVY AND EVEN BY THE USE OF TORTURE, BY STARVATION,
BY THE *INOCULATION OF DISEASES*, BY WANT, SO THAT THE GOYIM SEE
NO OTHER ISSUE THAN TO TAKE REFUGE IN OUR COMPLETE SOVEREIGNTY
IN MONEY AND IN ALL ELSE.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the
moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive.