The word "freedom," which can be interpreted in various
ways, is defined by us as follows: -
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. This interpretation
of the word will at the proper time be of service to us because
all freedom will thus be in our hands, since the laws will abolish
or create only that which is desirable for us according to the
aforesaid programme.
We shall deal with the press in the following way: What is the
part played by the press to-day? It serves to excite and inflame
those passions which are needed for our purpose or else it serves
selfish ends of parties. It is often vapid, unjust, mendacious,
and the majority of the public have not the slightest idea what
ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it with
a tight curb: we shall do the same also with all productions of
the printing press, for where would be the sense of getting rid
of the attacks of the press if we remain targets for pamphlets
and books? The produce of publicity, which nowadays is a source
of heavy expense owing to the necessity of censoring it, will
be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income to our
State: we shall lay on it a special stamp tax and require deposits
of caution-money before permitting the establishment of any organ
of the press or of printing offices; these will then have to guarantee
our government against any kind of attack on the part of the press.
For any attempt to attack us, if such still be possible, we shall
inflict fines without mercy. Such measures as stamp tax, deposit
of caution-money and fines secured by these deposits, will bring
in a huge income to the government. It is true that party organs
might not spare money for the sake of publicity, but these we
shall shut up at the second attack upon us. No one shall with
impunity lay a finger on the aureole of our government infallibility.
The pretext for stopping any publication will be the alleged
plea that it is agitating the public mind without occasion or
justification. I BEG YOU TO NOTE THAT AMONG THOSE MAKING ATTACKS
UPON US WILL ALSO BE ORGANS ESTABLISHED BY US, BUT THEY WILL
ATTACK EXCLUSIVELY POINTS THAT WE HAVE PRE-DETERMINED TO ALTER.
NOT A SINGLE ANNOUNCEMENT WILL REACH THE PUBLIC WITHOUT OUR CONTROL.
Even now this is already being attained by us inasmuch as all
news items are received by a few agencies, in whose offices they
are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies will
then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to
what we dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the
minds of the goy communities to such an extent that they all come
near looking upon the events of the world through the coloured
glasses of those spectacles we are setting astride their noses:
if already now there is not a single State where there exist for
us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State
secrets: what will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged
supreme lords of the world in the person of our king of all the
world....
Let us turn again to the FUTURE OF THE PRINTING PRESS. Every
one desirous of being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will
be obliged to provide himself with the diploma instituted therefor,
which, in case of any fault, will be immediately impounded. With
such measures THE INSTRUMENT OF THOUGHT WILL BECOME AN EDUCATIVE
MEANS IN THE HANDS OF OUR GOVERNMENT, WHICH WILL NO LONGER ALLOW
THE MASS OF THE NATION TO BE LED ASTRAY IN BY-WAYS AND FANTASIES
ABOUT THE BLESSINGS OF PROGRESS. Is there any one of us who does
not know that these phantom blessings are the direct roads to
foolish imaginings which give birth to anarchical relations of
men among themselves and towards authority, because progress,
or rather the idea of progress, has introduced the conception
of every kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its
limits.... All the so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in
fact, at any rate in thought. Every one of them is hunting after
phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license, that
is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest....
We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as on
all printed matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of caution-money,
and books of less than 30 sheets will pay double. We shall reckon
them as pamphlets in order, on the one hand, to reduce the number
of magazines, which are the worst form of printed poison, and,
on the other, in order that this measure may force writers into
such lengthy productions that they will be little read, especially
as they will be costly. At the same time what we shall publish
ourselves to influence mental development in the direction laid
down for our profit will be cheap and will be read voraciously.
The tax will bring vapid literary ambitions within bounds and
the liability to penalties will make literary men dependent upon
us. And if there should be any found who are desirous of writing
against us, they will not find any person eager to print their
productions. Before accepting any production for publication
in print the publisher or printer will have to apply to the authorities
for permission to do so. Thus we shall know beforehand of all
tricks preparing against us and shall nullify them by getting
ahead with explanations on the subject treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the most important educative
forces, and therefore our government will become proprietor of
the majority of the journals. This will neutralise the injurious
influence of the privately owned press and will put us in possession
of a tremendous influence upon the public mind... If we give permits
for ten journals, we shall ourselves found thirty, and so on in
the same proportion. This, however, must in nowise be suspected
by the public. For which reason all journals published by us
will be of the most opposite, in appearance, tendencies and opinions,
thereby creating confidence in us and bringing over to us our
quite unsuspicious opponents, who will thus fall into our trap
and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an official character.
They will always stand guard over our interests, and therefore
their influence will be comparatively insignificant.
In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part
it will be to attract the tepid and indifferent.
In the third rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance,
opposition, which, in at least one of its organs will present
what looks like the very antipodes to us. Our real opponents
at heart will accept this simulated opposition as their own and
will show us their cards.
All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions - aristocratic,
republican, revolutionary, even anarchical - for so long, of course,
as the constitution exists.... Like the Indian idol Vishnu they
will have a hundred hands and every one of them will have a finger
on any one of the public opinions as required. When a pulse quickens
these hands will lead opinion in the direction of our aims, for
an excited patient loses all power of judgment and easily yields
to suggestion. Those fools who will think they are repeating
the opinion of a newspaper of their own camp will be repeating
our opinion or any opinion that seems desirable for us. In the
vain belief that they are following the organ of their party they
will in fact follow the flag which we hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we must
take especial and minute care in organising this matter. Under
the title of central department of the press we shall institute
literary gatherings at which our agents will without attracting
attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day. By discussing
and controverting, but always superficially without touching the
essence of the matter, our organs will carry on a sham fight fusillade
with the official newspapers solely for the purpose of giving
occasion for us to express ourselves more fully than could well
be done from the outset in official announcements, whenever, of
course, that is to our advantage.
THESE ATTACKS UPON US WILL ALSO SERVE ANOTHER PURPOSE, NAMELY,
THAT OUR SUBJECTS WILL BE CONVINCED OF THE EXISTENCE OF FULL FREEDOM
OF SPEECH AND SO GIVE OUR AGENTS AN OCCASION TO AFFIRM THAT ALL
ORGANS WHICH OPPOSE US ARE EMPTY BABBLERS, since they are incapable
of finding any substantial objections to our orders.
Methods of organisation like these, imperceptible to the public
eye but absolutely true, are the best calculated to succeed in
bringing the attention and the confidence of the public to the
side of our government. Thanks to such methods we shall be in
a position as from time to time may be required, to excite or
to tranquillise the public mind on political questions, to persuade
or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions,
according as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously
feeling our ground before stepping upon it.... WE SHALL HAVE
A SURE TRIUMPH OVER OUR OPPONENTS SINCE THEY WILL NOT HAVE AT
THEIR DISPOSITION ORGANS OF THE PRESS IN WHICH THEY CAN GIVE FULL
AND FINAL EXPRESSION TO THEIR VIEWS owing to the aforesaid methods
of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute them
except very superficially.
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our
press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in
our semi-official organs.
Even nowadays, already, to take only the French press, there
are forms which reveal masonic solidarity in acting on the watchword:
all organs of the press are bound together by professional secrecy;
like the augurs of old, not one of their numbers will give away
the secret of his sources of information unless it be resolved
to make announcement to them. Not one journalist will venture
to betray this secret, for not one of them is ever admitted to
practise literature unless his whole past has some disgraceful
sore or other. . . These sores would be immediately revealed.
So long as they remain the secret of a few the prestige of the
journalist attracts the majority of the country - the mob follows
after him with enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces. It
is indispensable for us to inflame there those hopes and impulses
with which we could at any moment fall upon the capital, and we
shall represent to the capitals that these expressions are the
independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally, the
source of them will be always one and the same - ours. WHAT WE
NEED IS THAT, UNTIL SUCH TIME AS WE ARE IN THE PLENITUDE OF POWER,
THE CAPITALS SHOULD FIND THEMSELVES STIFLED BY THE PROVINCIAL
OPINION OF THE NATION, i.e., OF A MAJORITY ARRANGED BY OUR AGENTUR.
What we need is that at the psychological moment the capitals
should not be in a position to discuss an accomplished fact for
the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been accepted
by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
WHEN WE ARE IN THE PERIOD OF THE NEW REGIME TRANSITIONAL TO THAT
OF OUR ASSUMPTION OF FULL SOVEREIGNTY. WE MUST NOT ADMIT ANY
REVELATIONS BY THE PRESS OF ANY FORM OF PUBLIC DISHONESTY; IT
IS NECESSARY THAT THE NEW REGIME SHOULD BE THOUGHT TO HAVE SO
PERFECTLY CONTENTED EVERYBODY THAT EVEN CRIMINALITY HAS DISAPPEARED...
Cases of the manifestation of criminality should remain known
only to their victims and to chance witnesses - no more.